Andrew Bishop
About
Senior partner and global head of policy research at Signum Global Advisors
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Claims by Andrew Bishop (20 of 55)
The relationship between Russia and China prior to 2022 was understood as an 'axis of convenience' (allies but not trusting each other) but this framework broke down post-Ukraine invasion, with uncertainty remaining whether they're now permanently aligned or still transactional, illustrating how historical patterns become useless when underlying conditions shift
Prediction markets currently lack enough liquidity to be useful for professional investors, even when they're large; more importantly, they're rigid in their cutoff dates and event definitions, narrowing their value because the relevant decision trigger might be an event (like a leader's visit) rather than a calendar date
Most studies showing geopolitical risks don't affect markets focus on S&P 500 long-term performance, but professional clients actually trade short-term in niche assets (travel, tourism, oil/gas, Israeli shekel) where geopolitical events create substantial volatility that traders can capitalize on
Trump's tariff approach in early 2025 appeared focused on Mexico and Canada in January-April (driven by fentanyl/immigration concerns), not China, making a grand theory that 'Trump's trade policy is about China' useless for short-term prediction despite being correct over his full four-year term (China ended up with 45% tariffs vs 10% for others)
The primary value geopolitical risk analysis provides to financial clients is not accurate outcome prediction, but rather helping them mentally rehearse multiple scenario branches (like is Israel striking? symbolic or major? will US intervene? will it last 3 days or 3 weeks?) so they're prepared to make rapid trading decisions when events unfold, similar to how an F1 driver memorizes track loops before racing
Probabilities in geopolitical scenario analysis work by breaking a question into sub-events, assigning probabilities to each, and checking that they sum to reasonable totals as a logic check—not by Monte Carlo simulation or historical data—because there simply aren't enough historical case studies of similar geopolitical events to build predictive statistical models
For the Iran-Israel scenario in mid-June, the U.S. intervention probability was derived by starting with 100%, subtracting the ~20% chance Iran capitulates diplomatically, leaving ~80%, then subtracting the odds Israel can finish the job militarily on its own (bombing or ground operation), and then adding back the possibility Trump intervenes for political opportunity even if not militarily necessary
Trump's advisers (Bessent, Lutnik) typically freelance and don't repeat Trump's exact positions, but Carolyn Levitt was precise in saying the executive order would be 'signed' (not 'implemented'), a distinction that proved accurate since Trump signed but didn't immediately implement tariffs, suggesting taking Trump's literal language is more predictive than the common advice to 'take him seriously but not literally'
Signum's competitive advantage is not in intelligence access (which is legally problematic and doesn't yield better predictions anyway) or country expertise alone, but in the rigor of analytical process following Phil Tetlock's principle that 'it's not about who you are, it's how you proceed'
On the US-Israel relationship, Bishop predicts the relationship will change slowly (over 20-30 years, like most regime changes in alliances) rather than suddenly, and even Trump—known as pacifist and skeptical of global military footprint—intervened in Iran, suggesting that the shift away from US hedgemony will be slower than the 'multipolar world' rhetoric suggests
China could blockade Taiwan with no warning (rolling it out overnight rather than with visible military buildup), making it radically harder to prepare for; a bloodless blockade lasting months could be worse for markets than a short war because continuous economic disruption is more damaging than acute disruption
Black swan events (sudden, unpredictable crises) almost never materialize; instead, the crises that blow up are visible far in advance (Russian military buildup before Ukraine, pandemic warnings in global risk reports for 15 years) but analysts and clients struggle to predict the exact timing and details
The question of whether Trump will escalate tariffs or delay with 60 countries involved is nearly impossible to frame because you'd theoretically need 60 individual predictions, and the distinction between 'escalating and delaying' vs 'escalating and implementing on July 15th' is ambiguous, making Trump's tariff behavior harder to analyze than even war scenarios
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