Beatrice de Graaf
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Professor at the University of Utrecht, historian of the post-Napoleonic international system
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Claims by Beatrice de Graaf (20 of 36)
Analysis of Putin's speeches shows an increasing frequency of Christian eschatological and historical statements with tsarist references since 2000, and these radicalizing uses of terminology are triggered not only by foreign events like NATO expansion, but also by domestic key events such as security threats and calls for democratization
The Russian Orthodox Church will not oppose Putin's war because there is no just war theory in Orthodox theology—unlike the Western tradition where limits on warfare are embedded in doctrine, Russian Orthodoxy teaches that when the Tsar or emperor unleashes war, it is automatically righteous because he knows what forces of evil must be stopped
During Putin's 2018 presidential inauguration, bombastic music echoed through the Grand Kremlin Palace, cannons fired as salutes, and a choir sang 'Hail, hail our Russian Tsar,' a song commissioned by Nicholas I in the 19th century from an opera, with this performance occurring at the location where Tsars used to be coronated
Domestically in Russia, people are seeing evidence of contamination as the projected greatness and uniqueness of Russia fails to manifest—the sanctions have effects, the world doesn't like Russia, Ukrainians are not their brothers—which are signs that the dystopian ideology is beginning to corrode among some believers
The research team also collected speeches by Medvedev and Lavrov and found that they follow the same radicalization trajectory as Putin and are dependent on what Putin says, suggesting that if Putin were removed from power, another siloviki (Putin's security service cronies) would likely continue the same ideological trajectory
In 2007, Putin told the Valdai Discussion Club that the basic principles Russia should propagate are the ideals of monarchy, the link with the people, and Orthodoxy, echoing the triad of nationality, Orthodoxy, and autocracy articulated by Tsar Nicholas I in 1833 as a response to the Decembrist revolt
In the aftermath of February 24 invasion, despite unfounded arguments about the necessity to denazify Ukraine, Putin's declarations had an imperial ideological ring, focusing on consolidating Russian society around defending itself to preserve national culture, with the invasion elevated to a metaphysical struggle between good and evil
Contamination requires countervailing force to make believers recognize that their ideological goals won't be achieved in practice, not to convince them ideologically that their ideas are wrong, which is why rational arguments with neo-Nazis and extremists don't work but showing them their ideas cannot be translated into practice does
Putin presented Russian Orthodox Christianity as a substitute for the communist state ideology that had gone bankrupt, stating that after the October Revolution the Soviet state went to great lengths to destroy Russia's spiritual and religious roots and that attempts to replace the Bible with the moral code of communism failed
Putin published an essay on the historical unity of Russia and Ukraine in summer 2021 that initially barely raised an eyebrow in the West, despite being the prelude to a full-scale invasion, showing that Putin had already begun acting as a history teacher to justify his imperial mission
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