Gregory C. Allen
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Director of the Wadhwani AI Center at CSIS; AI policy expert
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Claims by Gregory C. Allen (20 of 30)
The AI Safety Institute itself exists independently of the Biden AI executive order and will not be eliminated by repealing the executive order; Congress has also passed bipartisan legislation (co-sponsored by Senators Cantwell and Young) that supports the institute's continued operation.
Trump's America First Trade Policy memorandum directs the Secretaries of State and Commerce to review US export controls, assess how to enhance national technological edge, and eliminate loopholes—signaling continuation or strengthening of Biden Administration export control policy rather than rollback.
Trump administration appointees including Michael Kratos, Russell Vought, Mike Waltz, and the AI czar will have to work together on AI policy without clear hierarchy, and the fact that they haven't resolved internal Republican disagreements about AI means the 'plan to plan' timeline allows them to reach consensus.
President Trump's repeal of Biden's AI executive order does not automatically eliminate downstream implementations because most of the executive order's 90, 180, and 270-day deadlines have already passed and been implemented by federal agencies, requiring affirmative action beyond repeal to undo them.
The Trump Administration faces a political choice regarding AI safety measures: while the term 'AI safety' is radioactive in conservative circles due to associations with perceived social bias and DEI initiatives, some Republican officials like Cara Frederick recognize that regulatory guardrails matter.
The Biden Administration's AI executive order provided federal government authority under the Defense Production Act to require frontier AI labs to share safety testing information with the government; notice of proposed rulemaking has already been issued, though the interim final rule has not yet been implemented.
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