Russ Roberts
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EconTalk host and economist; longtime friend of Belsky
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Claims by Russ Roberts (20 of 5,591)
In First Circle, Solzhenitsyn's lengthy chapters satirizing Stalin portray him as egotistical buffoon, petty, childish, and insecure; these chapters don't add much to the plot and could be seen as an indulgence for Solzhenitsyn to get revenge psychologically, though they remain less effective as historical portraiture than the rest of the novel's documentation of suffering.
Roberts found the Death of Stalin film's opening concert scene quite powerful and creepy in capturing the utter abject fear people had of being on the wrong side of Stalin, with periodic gunshots in the background representing executions, making it an attempt to temper buffoonery with reminders of underlying horror.
Solzhenitsyn deserves credit for his bitterness, arrogance, and personality struggles given his suffering in camps; his achievement as a genius writer with incredible vision who produced an unimaginable volume of words under inhumane circumstances and created entertaining, compelling historical documentation justifies overlooking personality complaints.
Roberts recommended The Gulag Archipelago to undergraduates for years over a decade as a tribute to Solzhenitsyn's moral courage, feeling that he deserved the readership, and also recommended Anne Applebaum's shorter history The Gulag as well as the one-volume version of The Gulag Archipelago that Solzhenitsyn approved.
Roberts finds Solzhenitsyn's portrayal of Stalin in In the First Circle more affecting and effective than the Death of Stalin film because Solzhenitsyn provided the contrast: the belittlement of Stalin as a man was juxtaposed against the rest of the novel's depiction of utter human horror and debasement perpetrated by the regime.
In the 19th and early 20th centuries hospitals were places where the indigent went and were regarded as degrading, while the non-poor were treated at home by doctors for a fee—so everyone of that era would have preferred a paid doctor at home over the charity hospital, a preference completely inverted today where university (nonprofit) hospitals are considered the best.
Donors prefer giving money to producers (charities) rather than directly to indigent recipients because they want to constrain how it is used—funding a specific need like health care or clean water—so giving consumers vouchers or cash, which economists typically recommend, would generate far fewer donations.
Goods like news, podcasts, and websites where the marginal cost of one more audience member is near zero can be financed better by giving the product away free and soliciting donations than by charging subscriptions, because donors are attracted by the large reach a free product achieves—inverting the standard Samuelsonian public-goods story.
There are not two but at least three (and arguably four) organizational models for addressing social problems: the pure for-profit model motivated by money, the nonprofit model funded by donations/volunteers giving the product away free, and government coercion through taxation—plus a hybrid model where for-profit and nonprofit approaches coexist in the same industry.
Monetary incentives are uniquely powerful in certain settings: you would rather rely on a paid cab driver who fears losing her job to make a 4:30am airport pickup than on a sibling acting out of love, because there is more at stake and the obligation is enforceable—illustrating that not just any incentive but specifically monetary incentives can be most reliable.
Gifts in kind are generally preferred to cash because gift-giving is a relationship transaction, not a financial one; cash or gift certificates are culturally inappropriate in many settings (a spouse's birthday, a dinner guest) precisely because they signal the absence of personal thought and care.
Cultural expectations that internet content (and historically Red Cross doughnuts) 'should be free' cause people to forgo transactions whose value to them exceeds the price—an economically irrational behavior driven by a sense of entitlement and the psychological difficulty of paying for something previously obtained for nothing.
A 'pile up free food in a warehouse' welfare scheme (like the Carrboro 'really really free market') is appealing for its minimal administrative cost and self-targeting, but fails the Hayekian knowledge problem: without prices to signal what people actually want, the system would supply goods (e.g., Cheerios) that recipients don't want, whereas markets steer information via prices.
The best gift is one the recipient didn't know they would like but the giver, through investment in the relationship, correctly anticipates—or one the recipient wanted but would never buy for themselves because it seemed self-indulgent; receiving it as a gift removes the guilt while the recipient would genuinely refuse the equivalent cash plus the option to buy it.
Much nonprofit activity (opera, museums, universities) functions as tax-exempt subsidy of services consumed largely by the rich, allowing wealthy patrons to claim social credit while window-dressing programs (e.g., inner-city outreach) obscure the regressive reality of the tax benefit.
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