Tim Kolletz
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Financial reporter and columnist at the Globe and Mail, expert on trade policy and Trump administration
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Claims by Tim Kolletz (20 of 23)
There is a possibility that Congress could take control of tariff policy away from the White House through fiscal policy mechanisms, but Republican senators have largely not resisted Trump's plans so far, and resistance likely requires constituent pain before senators feel politically empowered to push back.
By the end of the week following Canadian retaliatory measures, Canadian officials including Ontario Premier Doug Ford traveled to the US and adopted a de-escalatory tone at press conferences, indicating a strategic shift to managing Trump through careful messaging rather than direct pushback.
Trump's tariff threats include references to the 51st state and similar language that inflame Canadian public opinion, making it impossible for Canadian politicians to be measured in response because they will be punished politically if they appear too conciliatory to an American public making annexation jokes.
The tariff strategy aims to bring manufacturing back to the US, which is a legitimate goal supported by evidence that blue-collar jobs have been 'hollowed out over the years,' and Democrats previously advocated for similar positions, making the tariff rationale partially defensible on job-creation grounds.
As stock markets have begun to correct downward due to tariff uncertainty, Trump has shifted his public messaging to a 'no pain no gain' narrative similar to how China frames economic pain as necessary for long-term strength, representing a cultural departure from traditional American economic philosophy.
There is a divide within the Republican Party between traditional conservative and business-oriented Republicans (like George Bush type Republicans) and Trump's White House circle, where the traditional conservatives and business leaders do not align with Trump despite his party control.
Project 2025's trade section fails to adequately address the real-world political problem of retaliatory tariffs and constituent pain, because it was written as an academic exercise by theorists without experience managing the political fallout when senators must explain tariff-driven job losses to their constituents.
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