Dan Wong
About
Chief Economist at HSBC
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Claims by Dan Wong (20 of 35)
China's solar industry dominance represents a public policy success but investor failure: the government declared solar a Strategic Emerging Industry in 2010, subsidized production and consumption heavily, induced numerous companies to enter an increasingly commoditized market, resulting in China controlling ~80% of the global solar value chain but with minimal profit margins for private companies or investors.
The Chinese Communist Party has shifted from viewing itself primarily as a technocracy that occasionally slips into Marxist ideology to an autocracy that is primarily committed to ideological goals where growth is a secondary concern, representing a fundamental reorientation of state priorities.
Freeman Dyson's essay collection 'Disturbing the Universe' discusses his experiences with ambitious space travel concepts (exploding nuclear bombs behind spacecraft to reach Jupiter's moons), civil rights activism, and large-scale science projects, providing insights into creative large-scale problem-solving.
Wong recommended three books that have influenced him: 'The Jesuits' by Marcus Friedrich (study of a successful organization with influence in scholarship and church affairs); 'Last and First Men' by Olaf Stapleton (1930s novel imagining the human race millions of years in the future, with time-spanning perspective); 'Disturbing the Universe' by Freeman Dyson (essays on space travel, nuclear propulsion, civil rights, and big science).
China's strategy has been to prioritize resilience over efficiency, which economists criticize for producing lower returns on equity and return on assets, but this reflects a different and defensible set of priorities—building basic industrial capacity and employment rather than maximizing investor returns.
In 2020 and 2021, Chinese manufacturers had a 'can-do spirit' where they viewed making money as their core competence and quickly pivoted to producing PPE (masks, rubbing alcohol, personal protective equipment) when the pandemic created demand, in contrast to Western companies that questioned whether mask-making aligned with their core business.
The Chinese government in 2021 was pursuing a vision of capitalism similar to German industrialization—with medium-to-large manufacturing firms world-dominant in niche technologies, embedded in regulated markets, and maintaining a substantial manufacturing workforce—rather than US-style capitalism driven by consumer internet and finance.
In advanced economies, talent is probably the most important resource; the US failed strategically by allowing ambitious graduates to pursue careers in finance and consumer internet rather than advanced manufacturing, materials science, and engineering—a failure satirized by the film 'The Graduate' where 'plastics' became a punchline rather than an aspiration.
Three major events in 2022 marked a fundamental shift in China's trajectory: (1) enforcement of zero-COVID lockdowns that went too far, causing food insecurity and migration of lockdowns in Shanghai until abrupt abandonment in December, (2) Xi Jinping's consolidation of unchecked power at the 20th Party Congress in October, guaranteeing approximately 20 years of his rule, (3) China's declaration in February of 'limitless friendship' with Russia with 'no forbidden zones' weeks before Russia's invasion of Ukraine.
Semiconductors are important to the US-China competition for two reasons: (1) chips are ubiquitous in modern products from electric vehicles to internal combustion vehicles to infrastructure, (2) the US has historically dominated semiconductor production but now production has migrated to Taiwan, South Korea, and Southeast Asia, though the US still dominates semiconductor production equipment (Applied Materials, KLA, Lam Research) and EDA design software.
China's problem is sometimes to have too much state capacity and too much of an engineering mindset—able to succeed at controlling problems like pandemic spread (2020-2021) but also able to fail catastrophically by overextending that success, as with Shanghai lockdowns that made 25 million people unable to leave apartments or apartment compounds for two months.
Historical precedent shows the danger of unchecked state capacity in China: the Ming Dynasty shut down successful treasure fleet exploration because of dislike of coastal development; the one-child policy caused millions of forced sterilizations and killed female infants despite fertility already declining—showing how powerful states can visit trauma on populations for ideological goals, and neither kind of decision would be possible in Western governments.
The original iPhone in 2007 had approximately 5% of its value added produced in China (mostly labor assembling components from Germany, Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, US), while the iPhone 10 in 2018 had approximately 25% of value added from Chinese companies producing sophisticated components—demonstrating China's rise in the value chain.
The US government should reconsider its assumption that only advanced semiconductor and AI competition matters between the US and China; other factors like logistics capacity, production of basic goods, and broad manufacturing workforce are likely more important in an actual geopolitical conflict, and an overemphasis on technology competition may be misguided.
The Chinese government has managed to blow away its enormous stock of human capital through travel restrictions (making it harder to leave than enter), restrictions on passport renewals/issuance (requiring work/school reasons to travel), and tightening constraints on free expression and cultural creativity that cause young Chinese to perceive decreasing freedom.
Foreign businesses in China, including long-embedded American companies, are souring on China's production capabilities and view it as a 'three-headed Chimera': one head representing old-style Chinese manufacturing reliability; one head representing Japan-like mature market without strong growth; one head representing Russia-like geopolitical risk requiring rapid exit, especially if China makes moves on Taiwan or faces US sanctions.
Wong did not sufficiently appreciate that a government willing to decapitate the online education sector would also have the capacity and will to inflict catastrophe on whole cities, demonstrating that the same state capacity that enables good outcomes can enable terrible ones when deployed without adaptive governance.
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